Standing Against Islamophobia: Report Back from San Bernardino Action Against Islamophobic March

By Anonymous

This is a report back from someone on-the-ground in the San Bernardino anti-fascist action against the “March Against Sharia,” an Islamophobic event that happened across the country on June 10th.  Check out our report back from the Lansing, Michigan anti-fascist response as well.

Dealing With the Liberals

During our anti-fascist organizing meetings, people from the liberal group rise up tried to derail us. They disrupted our meetings and tried to get us to stay home saying that they thought we weren’t going to be effective and that we would just play right into the fascists hands. We made it clear that they were not welcome back, but they still tried to sabotage us in other ways.  One of our organizers was the target of a harassment campaign set up by a member of Rise Up. He received dozens of phone calls from members of Rise Up harassing him.

Despite the needless roadblocks presented by liberals, we were still able to organize a force of about 100 people to take the northwest street corner of Waterman and Orange. In Southern California, especially San Bernardino, it is almost impossible to organize any kind of demonstration without the sponsorship of liberals and Democrats. We threw them overboard and actually organized more people than they did at their “counter demo,” which they organized more than a mile away. Given the unfavorable organizing conditions here, triple-digit attendance is a huge win for us.


The Fascist Side

We instantly recognized at least 50 of the people in attendance at the “anti-Sharia” rally as Orange County residents. The group that calls themselves the Proud Boys showed up in droves, and are from Orange County (one of our chants was “Proud Boys, Shameful Men!”). We also recognized some Oath Keepers and 3%ers, local violent patriot militia members, although they were not carrying firearms. According to our intelligence gathering, the Oath Keepers and 3%ers were actually driven in from out of state.

This tells us the fash can’t effectively organize without importing other non-local groups, something they have done around the country at these “free speech” rallies. This just goes to show that they have no ties to the community whatsoever.


Our United Front

We organized a coalition comprised of a dozen socialist, communist and anarchist groups all local to the Inland Empire. We were supposed to have the support of a lot of Los Angeles based groups, but the majority of them bailed on us at the last minute. Despite the non-locals who did not turn out for us, we still had a big enough crowd to hold that street corner. The fash attacked us on four separate occasions. We were a quarter of their size, so we recognized that any action on our part that could be seen as “violent” would result in us losing the street corner. The reality was, the fash charged us and if we had responded, it would have been self defense.

Our tactic instead was to pack together as densely as possible and lock arms so that we couldn’t be split by the incoming fascists. When the cops saw that we were literally going to turn ourselves into punching bags, they decided to get involved. Every time the fash tried to charge us, we locked arms and the cops blocked their path. We were all expecting the opposite. We thought the cops were going to watch us take a beating. Even though they did the right thing at those moments, the cops still surrounded us with their batons out, acting like they were going to attack us. The cops were a lot rougher on our guys than they were on the fash. If we set one foot on the street the cops were all over us screaming to get back on the sidewalk.

Meanwhile, the fash was doing the exact same thing with very little interference from the cops. At the end of the day, despite being a fraction of the size we were louder, more disciplined and more militant. We weren’t able to shut their rally down, but we held our ground successfully. We frustrated the fash so much that they turned to vandalism to get their anger out. 


Final Count

0 fatalities

1 injury on our side

3 arrests on the fash side


1. Don’t consider liberal feelings, you don’t need their sponsorship to do anything.

2. Keep going. What we’re doing is absolutely necessary.

3. Be aware of the reality of your situation. Poor choices will result in self-destruction and a clear victory for fash.


Stand Against Islamophobia: A Report Back from Lansing Class with “Sharia Law” March

About thirty Islamophobes convened in Lansing, MI to protest “Sharia Law” in a multi-city action organized by ACT for America on Saturday, June 10th. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, ACT for America is the largest anti-Muslim hate group in the country and just like many other cities, a massive counter-protest was organized by several different anti-fascist and anti-racist groups to stand up to their hate. The counter-protestors who showed up considered their action a complete victory. They easily outnumbered the Islamophobes by four to one, remained peaceful, and were able to keep the protestors from fulfilling their main objective of marching through a local Muslim neighborhood.

The Lansing State Journal covered this story with a photo montage that didn’t truly capture the visuals of just how much these protestors were outnumbers and failed to provide the context of a dramatic picture at the end that showed two men hugging at the end of the protest.  The man on the left is Michigan Militia member Chas Brothers from Vandalia, MI and the man on the right is Timothy Grey of the Traverse City chapter of Redneck Revolt, an anti-racist outreach group. Redneck Revolt is a relatively new organization that’s only a year old, but already has thirty chapters across the country. Per their website: “Redneck Revolt is a national network of community defense projects from a broad spread of political, religious, and cultural backgrounds. It is a pro-worker, anti-racist organization that focuses on working class liberation from the oppressive systems which dominate our lives. In states where it is legal to practice armed community defense, many branches choose to become John Brown Gun Clubs, training ourselves and our communities in defense and mutual aid.”

Along with Redneck Revolt, the other counter-protest organizers decided it would be for the best for them to not bring arms to this protest, but they did come out on the front lines and introduced themselves to several members of the Michigan Militia before the rest of the counter-protest showed up in block formation to oppose them. According to Timothy Grey, they introduced themselves to a few guys in the Michigan Militia and both sides agreed that they wanted the day to go peacefully. As Timothy explained, they knew that a lot of these guys were old vets and that they would be more likely to uphold this promise on the honor system if it was established ahead of time. Prior to that Timothy and the rest of Redneck Revolt had been involved in providing the counter-protestors with the intel they needed to determine which groups had shown up and exactly where they finally decided to convene, which was a half a mile away from the Muslim neighborhood they were originally targeting. The Michigan Militia was there, along with the Proud Boys, some older people who’ve watched too much Fox news, and a few Trump frat-boys.

The counter-protest arrived with chants of “No Trump! No KKK! No fascist USA!” and “No Hate! No Fear! Muslims Are Welcome Here.”  They kept their chants going for about two hours as police barricaded the two sides from each other. During all of this though, activists from Solidarity & Defense broke into the “Anti-Sharia” side and began passing out pamphlets to people, letting them know that there was a verifiable neo-Nazi amongst their ranks. He was with the Proud Boys crowd, which should be noted were not particularly proud, because several of them chose to cover their faces while they attempted to sling incoherent insults to counter-protestors.

Once the Michigan Militia got word that the neo-Nazi was trying to pass out literature of his own and had an obviously anti-Semitic sign he was planning to pull out, they made him put it all away. Despite their racist fears of “Sharia Law,” they had decided that blatant Nazism was just taking it too far. Timothy Grey and the other guys from Redneck Revolt then began a conversation with some of the militia members. Timothy asked them “You guys are veterans right?” and then looked at each of them sizing them up by age: ” You were in Desert Storm, you were in Vietnam, and you were in Korea right? The people a generation before you gave their lives to defend the people you are now defending on U.S. soil,” referring to the soldiers who fought on the Western front during WWII against the Nazis.

After that the militia members began to defend themselves by expressing their concerns about “Sharia Law.” Timothy and his friends challenged them to find a real bill where this was actually proposed. He told them they were fighting a specter, something that didn’t exist. One of them told him that this was a “Christian nation” and they refuted that you had to support everyone’s right to freedom of religion. Then to everyone’s surprise the cop who was standing near them agreed and said this country had freedom of religion. The militia men had expected full police support.

As the counter-protest decided to pick up and march back to the front of the Muslim neighborhood they were trying to protect, Michigan Militia man Chas Brothers crossed the police barricade and said “Sir I need to talk to you,” to Timothy. Timothy walked back over to him and Chas said “I want you to know that my grandparents, aunts, and uncles were in Dachau. Only two out of my seven aunts survived.” He told him how one of his aunts was the meanest person, but he knew it was because of her horrible experiences in a concentration camp. Finally Chas, who Timothy described as a Vietnam Vet in his 70’s said, “You really started me thinking today. Thank you for coming out here and sticking up for my grandparents.” Then he teared up and asked if it would be alright to give Timothy a hug and that is how the Lansing State Journal captured a really powerful moment that never got fully explained.

Afterwards Timothy reflected to his friends in Redneck Revolt that although the idea of counter-recruting is part of their mission “I have to say I underestimated the power of counter-recruiting.” This exchange showed that there are many ways to connect with people and reach across the divide to counter hate and increase better understanding.

Timothy, who works as a filmmaker,  said he got involved with Redneck Revolt this past year. He had previously been involved in anti-racist organizing over the years and had most recently worked on helping change Traverse City’s Columbus Day to Indigenous People’s Day. He said that he was inspired by their success to see what else he could do and had a friend who suggested Redneck Revolt.  Their chapter currently has 12 members and is still growing.

Some people have asked them why they embrace the term redneck. According to their website “Today, the term redneck has taken on a demeaning connotation, primarily among upper class urban liberals who have gone out of their way to dehumanize working class and poor people. Terms like ‘white trash’ and ‘hillbilly’ have come to signify the view among these same upper class liberals of poor rural folks. To us, the term redneck is a term that signifies a pride in our class as well as a pride in resistance to bosses, politicians, and all those that protect domination and tyranny.”

This is a group that is trying to find a way to connect with other disenfranchised working class people and help them learn that their real oppressors are not immigrants, people with different ethnicities, or different religions all without the typical academic rhetoric. Timothy says that if you would like to find a Redneck Revolt chapter near you check out If there isn’t a chapter within an hour of you, you can apply to start a new chapter yourself.


You can also follow their Facebook page:

A Community United: Reportback and Video from Portland Clash Between the Alt Right and Anti-Fascists

The image across Southwest Madison Street in Downtown Portland, Oregon, was reminiscent of naval warfare, of two opposing camps hurling across a blocked divide.  Inside of the federally-regulated Terry Schrunk Plaza an Alt Right “Free Speech” rally was swelling while the community was descending against it on all sides, amassing its most militant faction in the park directly across the street.  A line of riot police backed by federal officers from the Department of Homeland Security kept the groups apart, at least in principle until individuals decided to bridge the gap to antagonize the other.  Attendees from the “right-wing” side came over to blast protesters, instigating fights that were met immediately by hundreds who had come there to respond to the culture of racist violence that had left the city shuttering over recent weeks.  There was anger, but it made sense for what had transpired and the brazenness of the Alt Right and “patriot” groups who were gloating in their amphitheater.

Free Speech?

The idea of a “Free Speech” event held in a public park with a dais lined with minor far-right celebrities has been a new concept since Lauren Southern led the stage in Berkeley, California on April 15th.  Following the months earlier response to Alt Right provocateur Milo Yiannoupouls at Berkeley and the cancellation of anti-immigrant antagonist Anne Coulter, Southern led commentators from and Kyle Chapman, a man made famous for showing up at a previous Bay Area event to attack anti-fascist protesters.

While their branding is one about open access to speech and their rhetoric is traditional Trumpian fare, their driving element is an opposition to the growing anti-fascist mass movement.  This phenomenon has been labeled “independent Trumpism” by anti-fascist writer Spencer Sunshine, taking the Trumpist cultural space outside of the official bounds of the GOP and creating a tacit coalition of the Alt Right, the militia movement, some areas of evangelicals, hard right rural people, and the anti-PC trolling crowd into a violent opposition to the left.  Labeling all opposition as Antifa, which is a more militant organizational praxis used to confront neo-Nazis and white supremacists directly, they have created unity in their own ranks in opposition to the organized resistance they are seeing in cities around the country.  From open Alt Right white nationalist organizations to patriot militias, their direct repression is not coming from state actors, but instead community organizations across the left spectrum that have seen the threat they present as Trump rose to power.  Now that resistance has given them a targeted enemy to vilify, and these events are designed to draw out that opposition so that they can stage attacks.

In Portland, they knew the opposition would be massive given the palatable community rage about what had recently transpired.  In a racist attack, Jeremy Christian, a local man with white supremacist roots, killed two men and injured one other who were intervening on his treatment of Muslim women on public transportation.  Christian was known to frequent these “Free Speech” events, including the one organized by Patriot Prayer founder Joey Gibson.  After the attacks, the community banded together, supporting the families of the victims and holding vigils at the attack site, yet an upcoming Alt Right “Free Speech” rally was planned.  While Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler tried to get the federal government to intervene and cancel the rally, he failed to do so, and instead hundreds of community organizations, churches, political projects, and labor unions got ready to stand up to their presence.

On the Ground

What resulted is a window into the multiple minds of a left opposition, both in contradiction with each other and congruent in varied approaches.  To the west was a “Stop Hate” rally organized by various socialist parties looking for an alternative to direct engagement with the right, vying for chants, speakers, and banners in a unified block.  In front of the federal building to the east of the “Free Speech” rally was a block of labor activists, headed by building trade union rank-and-file members including the Carpenters Local 1503, Iron Workers Local 29, AFT-Oregon, IUPAT Local 10, and IATSE Local 28.  This solid block of chants was a rhetorical alternative to the “working class” lingo that the patriot militias, particularly the Oath Keepers and III%ers from rural counties of the state, were attempting to capitalize.  To the North, and closest in to the right-wing convergence, was the more militant action, called for by Rose City Antifa and the Pacific Northwest Anti-Fascist Workers Collective, and amassing the largest group of people.  In unison, the three events compressed Terry Schrunk, creating a horseshoe of vocal opposition.  While the “Free Speech” rally pulled in almost three hundred, the anti-fascist collection brought in more than 3,000.

While their rally did not begin until 2:00pm, many were in the park by 10:00am getting set up.  Coordinating with a security detail calling themselves The Guardians, a group of mostly patriot militia members brandishing well-worn insignia patrolled the area, pushing through bushes in an attempt to reveal hiding protesters.  They were then flooded with an influx of participants, including large out-of-state contingents.  This included Proud Boys, part of the Alt Light configuration formed by Vice co-founder Gavin Mcinnis, who are “Western Civilization chauvinist.”  While most were white, and often dressed as skinheads, there were a few Proud Boys of color, all of which who were open about their Eurocentrism, anti-immigrant anger, and pro-market perspective.  The security teams met with the police and then worked in concert with them, including assisting with arrests in one controversial move.  They were even allowed to bring in a crate of riot helmets; all allowed by Department of Homeland Security Agents.  Members of the white nationalist Traditionalist Workers Party were there with “Diversity = White Genocide” signs.  Members of the National Socialist Movement moved throughout the crowd, though didn’t identify themselves.  They were only singled out by anti-fascist doxxing previously that revealed their affiliations.  This was not surprising given the large collection of racist signs, such as suggesting Black Lives Matter were violent terrorists.

The event was headlined by “Based Stickman,” Kyle Chapman, and Baked Alaska, the Alt Right YouTube phenomenon who livestreamed on his own face the entire time he was there.  In between baiting the counter-protesters, yelling about “throwing communists from helicopters,” and labeling all of the press as “fake news” or “ISIS,” he acted like a scene celebrity, talking down to those who approached him.  Chapman was more open, giving interviews and asserting that he was a firm “American Nationalist.”  They set the tone for the event, where the purpose was to mock and fight the left.  Dozens came in pads and helmets, often with shields, ready to attack the left.  Kek flags were flown or used as capes, as well as Pepe signs held under MAGA hats.  The goal was less a conscious political event and more of a spectacle, an antagonism to the community that has already suffered so much.

Their tokenism was on full display, where a Samoan member of The Guardians was invited to do a “warrior dance” in the beginning and they included a trans-woman as one of their first speakers.  She proceeded to take the Chinese flag, spit and step on it, and then said that all the mayor cares about is “communists and criminal illegals.”  She was celebrated for her past “special forces” training that she used to attack leftist protesters in Berkeley.

As the crowds swelled, the police mobilized to block interaction, making it next to impossible to move between the crowds.  Those that moved into the streets were identified and tackled, mostly being on the side of the opposition.  Based Spartan, a cartoonish buffoon who dresses like a sword-and-sandal warrior got into fights with their own security, demanding that they stop “suppressing his free speech” by asking him not to stand on the sidewalk.

Eventually the police declared the assembly adjacent to the “Free Speech” rally canceled, saying that illegal activity took place.  This included claims that bricks were taken off of bathroom facilities and thrown at the cops, yet this was unseen in photographs or videos and a reporter from KBOO radio went to the facility and found that no bricks were missing.  The police then fired off rubber bullets and concussion grenades into the crowd, topped off by tear-gas canisters.  After blockades were set up by protesters, they eventually headed into the streets of Portland in a large march.  Police responded by violently kettling protesters and reporters, attacking many and arresting almost twenty.  The Alt Right crowd shrunk, but those that remained taunted the leftists as the police engaged.

The police action did not define the day, the community response did.  What the police’s response indicates, more than anything, is that there is an ongoing antagonism between the police and Portland protesters, and that a culture of violence is permeating between the departments in how they handle dissent.  No matter what the police’s response was, the community was united and has built a base that can further feed anti-fascist organizing.

Syracuse, NY: New York AntiFa Alliance’s Statement on the so-called “March Against Sharia”

We, the undersigned, represent a coalition of anti-fascists from across the State of New York. We have chosen to assemble in Syracuse on June 10 to take action in defense of people in this community who have been targeted for violence by attendees of the so-called “March Against Sharia”. ( As in many cities throughout the United States, today a collection of right wing groups and provocateurs will once again use “free speech” as a smokescreen in an attempt to gain a foothold for groups that use broad anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim rhetoric to advance programs of racial exclusion and expulsion. Due to Syracuse’s central location within New York State, this provocation is being taken as aimed at the whole of Upstate itself, and along with our comrades in Syracuse, Upstate is responding.

We refuse to allow fascists a platform to organize and incite racial violence. In so doing, we are not suppressing “free speech.” In these current matters of “free speech,” we are not dealing with opinions that have withstood the scrutiny necessary to place them on par with those which provide meaning and purpose to a just and fair society. Instead, we have emotions dressed up in the language of a victim, paraded and bleated from soapboxes in such a manner as to play to the sympathies many would otherwise reserve for the oppressed and vulnerable. Right now, other groups aligned with these alleged crusaders for the first amendment are threatening speakers and harassing students on university lecture and book tours. (

The overstated threat of “Sharia law” is a dogwhistle to the anti-Muslim sentiment that has crept through communities across the country, especially since 9/11. Religious law is not only unconstitutional, but Muslims comprise just 0.9 percent of the religious makeup of the United States. This overstated fear of the minority has, for years, translated into calls for mass deportations, the erosion of civil liberties, and flat out violence against Muslims. There is nothing original to the script of ACT for America in their crusade against depictions of Sharia law. This is the same script used by the Nazis in their genocide against Jewish people in the 1930s and 1940s.

We affirm the rights of the people of Syracuse to resist bigotry in whatever capacity they find appropriate. We embrace a diversity of tactics in the struggle against fascism, and we respect the right of other counterdemonstrators to assemble. As such, we do not plan to interrupt other counterdemonstrations. We urge all attendees to refrain from acts that would compromise the stated intent of this counterdemonstration, to respect the boundaries and safety of one another, and to be cognizant of public perception. The fringes of the right have grown increasingly violent, even when faced with nonviolence. As such, we would also like to address the tense situation in the city of Portland, Oregon after the brutal attack on three men coming to the aid of young women who were being verbally abused by a white nationalist who presumed them to be Muslims ( We stand with Portland at this time as they cope with loss, increasing threats, and the task ahead of rooting out fascism from their community. We, the groups assembled, are prepared to undertake this burden in New York State if need be. We send our love and solidarity to Portland. You are not alone.

We also wish to clearly convey that our purpose for gathering in Syracuse is not to incite violence or destroy property. We will be there to represent organized resistance to fascism in our communities. While we do not plan to commit acts of offensive violence, we cannot say the same for the groups who have assembled to “march against sharia.” We cannot fully anticipate the reaction of the groups assembled with ACT for America, like the Syracuse Proud Boys, affiliated motorcycle clubs or patriot militias. Any escalation into violence will be at the hands of the previously mentioned groups and/or the Syracuse Police Department. We will not stand by idly if these groups incite or organize violence. We will defend our communities and ourselves by any means necessary.






Buffalo Red and Black/Roja y Negra, Capital Region Anti-Fascist Action, Central NY AntiFa, Great Lakes AntiFa, Hudson Valley Anti-Fascist Network, North Country Redneck Revolt, Syracuse Antifa, Utica IWW, Western New York AntiFa, Anti-Fascist News

Richard Spencer Gets Banned on SoundCloud

The podcast created the Alt Right.

The conversational nature of the podcasts have allowed them to take the canon of white supremacist philosophy, from the Conservative Revolution to the French New Right to “Race Realism,” and make it easily understood.  Richard Spencer, the founder of the Alt Right and the person behind the National Policy Institute and the Radix Journal, was on the front line of this with his original podcast Vanguard Radio.  He had on guests like Jared Taylor and even Pat Buchanan, and starting at he has churned out hundreds of episodes on everything from immigration scandals to film analysis.  He ported his original Vanguard Radio podcast over to the Radix Journal in the form of the Radix Journal Podcast, then merging with other media projects to form


His ability to do this, however, has been halted as his hosting, SoundCloud, has finally booted him.  After a “tweetstorm” from Alternet contributor Alex Kotch, SoundCloud responded and took down his podcast library.  This is an important and useful tactic for antifascists as going after their media communication is critical for severing their ability to recruit and organize.  We have gone after many Alt Right podcasts in the past, helping to get podcasts like The Daily Shoah and Fash the Nation removed from SoundCloud.  Spencer has already had his podcast removed from iTunes due to pressure, and so has most of the Alt Right podcasts (Counter Currents Radio archive is still available on iTunes, however.).

As it stands, the Radix Journal is basically a ghost town.  It has been all but formally abandoned, and now with their podcast feed severed there is even less reason for people to visit there.  This is an incredible turn of events as the most popular Alt Right media outlets are being destroyed.  This method of community pressure needs to be continued for other podcasts held by SoundCloud and distrubited by places like Stitcher.  Right now, Kulture Kampf and others are still on SoundCloud, and the Red Ice Radio feed is still available on Stitcher.  The advantage we have is the Terms of Service of these platforms preclude this type of content, so we can easily push them to remove them through mass community comments.

This is how it can work: First, figure out the podcast in question. Then single it out and promote the SoundCloud or other platform’s customer service lines, whether by phone, email, or social media.  Then do mass contact asking it to be taken down, and give examples of the offensive content (which is incredibly easy to find).  This can take them down one at a time, and will easily sever their most popular platforms.

Spencer will likely find some type of hosting that will be free from pressure and where he will continue to be able to keep his podcasts running.  What that lacks, though, is a mass audience social networking component that he gets by using well known services.  This is what has allowed the Alt Right to gain an audience quickly, because they use the same platforms as some of the biggest media names in the U.S.  Once that is gone they will only be able to reach their core audience, and their ability to recruit will be destroyed.

Let’s keep this trend going.

Letter to the Patriot Militias: The Alt Right Murders Veterans

By Portland Antifascists

The alt-right is closer to power than ever, yet they have never been further from reality. The media portrays them as everywhere at once—from the beleaguered White House to your neighborhood street corner, wheat pasting fascist literature about “European identity.” Yet for all their online presence and in-real-life media attention, their assortment of “Kekistan Flags” and “Pepe” memes expose a dying culture of hatred. Using their memes to maintain an ironic distance from one another, as well as reality, they hope to supplant the modern world with their own jaded vision—one which we are sure you support just as little as we do. We ask that, when you see a Kekistan Flag flying, when you identify the ironic subcultures of Reddit and 4chan that bubble up to the surface of everyday life through the alt-right’s manifestations, that you refuse to look the other way. Oppose them as we do, because they seek your undoing as much as they do yours.

For the newbies who don’t know what the alt-right is, it is a white supremacist movement that came out of different libertarian and far right trends in the 2010s. Its leader, Richard Spencer, advocates violence against political enemies who believe in freedom and equality. The other key alt-right personalities like Mike Enoch, Andrew Anglin, and Matt Heimbach advocate various forms of neo-Nazism.  Their ideas are not new, they have floated up over the years, blaming immigrants for crime, Jews for “subverting Western culture,” and destroying any unity working people have had. Although the alt-right supported the Trump campaign, they have since moved to a more autonomous political position.  While the alt-right hopes to portray themselves just as “not PC” or simple Trump supporters, their rhetoric, friendships, and plans reveal them to be the same white supremacists that have terrorized this country for years.

Because their neo-Nazi ideas remain unpopular in the US, alt-right leaders use the general rejection of their white identity politics as a rallying point to defend their “free speech.” Laden with bitter anti-Semitism, racism, and conspiracy theories, these “free speech” rallies quickly became lightning rods for the revival of neo-Nazism in the US.  Free speech was, itself, a lie, since they have been open about how they would dispose of democracy and the free exchange of ideas if they were to ever take power.  Instead, they saw it as an opportunity to recruit for their ideas, and they could use the banner of free speech to argue for racial separatism without interruption.  The rally in Berkeley held by the alt-right drew a crowd of hundreds with the impetus of attacking left-wing counter-demonstrators, leading to bloody confrontations. Similar rallies in Boston and Portland deliberately antagonized local communities, as outsiders affiliated with Kyle “Based Stickman” Chapman and other militant, violent alt-right groups descended on cities looking for a fight.  The communities, in response, turned further against them and their followers.

Such rallies have fostered an atmosphere of hatred against antifascists and Muslims, directly contributing to the double murder on Friday, May 26, of innocent people attempting to defend Muslim teenage girls from hatefully harassment on public transit. The two men were killed for behaving out of heroic bravery. Taliesin Myrddin Namkai Meche was a peaceful 23 year old who had just graduated from a local college and was trying to get his life started. Rick Best was a 23-year veteran of the US military with a wife and kids—the youngest of whom is a 12 year old daughter.

Disgraceful as ever, supporters of the alt-right descended on the pages of mourning community members to question the attitudes of the culprit, calling him a “Bernie-bro,” a leftist, and a supporter of antifa. From research that we have done, including speaking to former associates in the local metal scene, there is more to the story than that. According to their accounts, before the Trump campaign, Jeremy Christian was a troubled and damaged man but he was not a killer. He did support the Sanders Campaign and spend time reading comic books and going to rock concerts. However, when Sanders lost, his ire against Hillary Clinton developed into support for Donald Trump. Soon, it appears, his anger began to fester and grow into conspiracy theories about Jews and Muslims.

Christian was increasingly obsessed with the same conspiracy theories that the alt-right cultivate in order to expand the gap between reality and fiction.  While many on the alt-right disbelieve conspiracy theories like “Pizzagate,” they continue to promote them to gain followers and manipulate a distrust in the surrounding community and media. When the alt-right began holding “free speech” rallies, Christian’s rhetoric became increasingly violent toward those targeted by the alt-right. Joey Gibson’s local Portland Prayer group, also known as the “Warriors for Freedom,” helped Christian locate a material outlet for his hatred. When he arrived at one of Gibson’s “free speech rallies,” Christian immediately attempted to attack counter-protestors with a baseball bat unprovoked. After police confiscated his bat, Gibson continued to scream at antifascists, even throwing up a Nazi salute and racial slurs, but was welcomed within the rally.

Police had thwarted his desire to engage in physical violence against counter-protestors, and despite finding an outlet for his rage, Christian continued to fume. Amid Gibson’s renewed calls for another “free speech rally”—this time in the heart of Portland—Christian could not control himself. On a well-trafficked light rail MAX line in the relatively docile neighborhood of Hollywood, Christian verbally assaulted Muslim women, one of whom wore a hijab. Three white men stood up for the women, and an enraged Christian stabbed them in the throat, killing two and critically injuring the other. These were not incidental killings due to the kind of indiscriminate collateral damage of a knife fight; they were clear and precise throat strikes with the intention of severing the carotid artery and jugular vein. The surviving victim is alive because, although the knife struck the jugular, it barely nicked the carotid.  He will carry the scars of this attack the rest of his life, a reminder of the time he sacrificed everything to defend someone in need.

Think of the distance between the heroic act of defending a vulnerable teenager from a stranger’s aggressive harassment, on one hand, and the cowardice evidenced by alt-right members on the web following the attacks. Some alt-right members called the murderer “/ourguy/” and others called him “based knifeman.” Harold Covington, the murderous white supremacist who took part in the murder of labor activists by KKK members in the 1970s, claimed Christian as one of his own.  Although Richard Spencer has distanced himself from Christian, his followers have already built up a kind of cult for him as a logical and reasonable representative of their cause—an extension of Kyle “Based Stickman” Chapman. And that’s exactly correct.

Jeremy Christian is the alt-right today. He represents the kind of mob violence that happens when you combine the mob violence mobilized by Kyle “Based Stickman” Chapman with the lone wolf violence promoted through alt-right forums from 4chan to Andrew Anglin’s Daily Stormer website. The response to such a violent movement that slaughters law abiding citizens for no other reason than acting on the defense of civil rights must be unified opposition.  This has always been how white supremacist groups operate, mobilizing those who feel powerless to feed on their bigoted rage and to enact putrid acts of violence while the leaders stay comfortable in their plush Montana homes.

The “based knifeman” alt-right double murder, it should be noted, came on the one-month anniversary of another alt-right attack—this one carried out on a university campus in Kentucky by a young man brandishing a machete. It came less than a week after a cowardly member of the alt-right stabbed and killed Richard Collins III, a second lieutenant in the US Army, while waiting for an Uber ride at the University of Maryland. It came one week after police discovered the gruesome murder of two people by a member of the alt-right who, like Jeremy Christian, idealized Timothy McVeigh, and was apparently building a dirty bomb.

Jeremy “based knifeman” Christian is not someone outside of the realm of the alt-right. He is, as their community members have claimed, a part of the increased pressure the alt-right has placed on college campuses and left-leaning liberal hubs throughout the US. No self-respecting human being in the US should participate in the atrocious deterioration of humanity manifested by the alt-right and its persistent attacks against the innocent and vulnerable in society. Ask yourself, if you are an Oath Keeper, a militia member, or if you are just a right-wing member of society—would you support the slaughter of innocent civilians at war? If the alt-right is doing that today under the auspices of a self-declared war against a society that wants nothing to do with them, why support them in that effort? Why wrap villainy in the flag and give it that protection, rather than identify the movement for what it is?

The alt-right no more believes in the American flag than it does the Kekistan flag or the memes of Pepe the frog. They are using you to gain ground, and once it came to your turn, they would turn against you as mercilessly as if you were a teenage Muslim girl or those attempting to protect her. In supporting Joey Gibson, “Based Stickman,” and the alt-right’s mobilizations, you are encouraging the murder of innocent people in defiance of your own stated ideals. We can all see where this hypocrisy leads. We ask you humbly to step away from it before it destroys you and us.

In loving memory of Taliesin Myrddin Namkai Meche and Rick Best.

In solidarity against fascism and the alt-right. 

Click here to donate to the surviving person attacked by Jeremy Christian.

Donate to the Muslim Women Who Were Assaulted in Portland by the Alt Right Murderer

The story of what happened in Portland, Oregon on Friday, May 26th has gone viral.  An Alt Right person on a train began assaulting two young Muslim women for wearing Hijabs.  Three men stood up to intervene and they were brutally attacked with a knife, two of them were killed and one of them left in serious condition in the hospital.

We are trying to post the fundraisers for everyone who were involved, and we just posted the fundraiser for the survivor of the attack who is currently in the hospital.  We are now sharing the fundraiser for the two women who were targeted by the white supremacist and had to endure one of the most traumatizing experiences imaginable.  The money is intended to support them in their recovery, from treatment to transportation, and the funds will be critical to allowing them the time and space needed.

We need to support each other not just with words, but with actions.  Donating some money is a great start, but it cannot end there.  We need to get involved in a material basis, organizing in our communities and confronting these fascist movements as they grow and confront.  We stand with a “no platform” mentality, where we disallow people like this to actually recruit and organize.  Jeremy Christian, the Alt Right murderer on public transportation that day, was a part of the Alt Right “free speech” rallies that were happening in Portland.  On June 4th, Kyle Chapman, the “based stickman,” is holding another rally in Portland, one where Christian was likely to be.  For those in the area, Rose City Antifa, the Pacific Northwest Anti-Fascist Workers Collective, the Torch Network, and a number of supporters, including the Black Rose Anarchist Federation, are organizing to stand up to the Alt Right.  They will not let something like this happen again in their town.

Donate Here to the Women Targeted by the Alt Right Murderer

Donate to the Survivor of the Portland Alt Right Murderer

The brutal violence that erupted on a Portland MAX streetcar on Friday, May 26th was a shocking reminder that the Alt Right is a movement centered on genocide, terrorism, and violent revolution.  This may seem hyperbolic when applied to a largely Internet phenomenon built on the Chans and /Pol/, but they are the latest in a lineage of white nationalist organizations that, in their failure to build meaningful political movements, inspire the fringes to engage in some of the most disgusting bouts of mass violence imaginable.  From the Brotherhood to Timothy McVeigh to the shootings at the Holocaust Memorial Museum and various Jewish community centers, this is the result of white nationalist politics, and the Alt Right is no different as we have seen in recent months.

In Portland, a man named Jeremy Christian was known for frequenting Alt Right affiliated “Free Speech” rallies, complete with an American flag cape and chain around the neck, engaged in one of the most shocking acts of public violence in recent memory.  He was photographed Seig Heiling, yelling racial slurs and Alt Right jokes, and even shaking hands with Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler, all while focusing his hate on its primary focus: Muslims.

On Friday, Christian got on the train at rush hour and began accosting two women wearing Hijabs, telling them they were criminals and “didn’t pay taxes.”  Three men got up to intervene and Christian stabbed all three, killing two with wounds to the throat and leaving one in the hospital.  One of the men killed was a father an an Army veteran who was attempting to stand up against Islamophobia in one of the real-world situations that have become so prevalent in Trump’s America.

We are sharing the GoFundMe for the third victim, the 21-year-old Micha David-Cole Fletcher of Southeast Portland.  While he was hospitalized for his stab wounds he is in stable condition and will survive, but still has a long recovery and a heap of hospital bills ahead of him.  Hopefully, his bravery will be supported by a community that is coming together to say no to Islamophobia and the Alt Right.

This is the Alt Right’s fault, plain and simple.  The blame for this rests on the shoulders of people like Mike Enoch, Richard Spencer, and Jared Taylor, who have stoked the flames of violent hatred until it exploded.  This will unfortunately not be the last time that this type of brutality will surface, which is why it is critical to create community support/defense networks to keep us safe from attacks.  The coming appearance of Kyle Chapman (Based Stickman) on June 4th in Portland is being counter-organized by a coalition of anti-fascists, and will only swell to massive proportions now that the consequences of Chapman’s ideas and model can be seen.

As fundraisers for the families of the two people who died in the attack become available, and in support of the women who were targeted, we will share those as well.

Donate to Micha David-Cole’s Recovery Fund

Como os fascistas têm cortejado a Pós-Esquerda

Note: We are proud to publish Portuguese translation of Alexander Reid Ross’s essay “The Left-Overs: How Fascists Court the Post-Left.  This has been translated by the website Anarkomidia, and we are honored to have them take the time to translate.  We would appreciate and publish any translation of articles we have published, and would fully support the reposting of any of our content in different languages.

Alguns meses atrás, a publicação radical Fifth Estate solicitou um artigo meu discutindo a ascenção do fascismo em anos recentes. Após a decisão deles de retirar o texto, aceitei o convite da Anti-Fascist News para publicar uma versão expandida aqui, com algumas mudanças, diante da insistência de amigos e colegas escritores.

Em Solidariedade, AAR

Capítulo 1: A composição inicial do Fascismo Individualista

Um editor amigo meu recentemente me disse por e-mail, “se anti-capitalismo e pró-liberdades individuais são claramente declaradas em livros e artigos, elas não serão usadas pelos direitistas”. Se isso fosse verdade, fascismo simplesmente sumiria da Terra. Fascismo vem de uma mistura de posições de esquerda e direita e alguns esquerdistas buscam aspectos de coletivismo, sindicalismo, ecologia e autoritarismo que cruzam com esforços fascistas. Parcialmente em resposta a tendências da esquerda autoritária, um movimento antifascista distinto emergiu na década de 1970 para criar o que veio a ser conhecido como o pensamento de “pós-esquerda”. Imaginando que o anti-capitalismo e a “liberdade individual” mantêm pureza ideológica, radicais como meu querido editor tendem a ignorar convergências e vulnerabilidades para com a ideologia fascista.

A pós-esquerda se desenvolveu largamente de uma tendência de favorecer liberdade individual autonomamente em relação a política ideológica da esquerda e da direita enquanto manteve alguns elementos do esquerdismo. Embora seja um meio rico com várias posições contrastantes, pós-esquerdistas em geral traçam suas raízes ao individualista Max Stirner, cujas crenças na supremacia do indivíduo europeu sobre e contra a nação, classe e credo foram muito influenciadas pelo filósofo G.W.F. Hegel. Após a morte de Stirner em 1856, a popularidade do coletivismo e o neo-kantianismo obscureceram sua filosofia individualista até Friedrich Nietzsche o trouxe novamente em evidência na parte posterior do século. Influenciado por Stirner, Nitzsche defendeu a superação do socialismo e o “mundo moderno” pela iconoclastia, e a figura filosófica e aristocrática conhecida como “superhomem” ou “ûbermensch”.

Durante o final do séc. XIX, stirneristas fundiram o “superhomem” com a suposta responsabilidade das mulheres em parir uma raça europeia superior — um “novo homem” a produzir e a ser produzido por uma “nova era”. Similarmente, aristocratas de direita que odiavam noções de liberdade e igualdade viraram-se para Nietzsche e Stirner para alicerçar seu senso de elitismo e ódio ao populismo de esquerda e civilização baseada nas massas. Alguns anarquistas e individualistas influenciados por Stirner e Nietzsche se inspiraram em figuras de direita, como o autor russo Fyodor Dostoevsky, que desenvolveu a ideia de “revolução conservadora” que deveria derrubar a crise espiritual do mundo moderno e da era das massas. Nas palavras do anarquista Victor Serge, “Dostoevsky: o melhor e o pior, inseparavelmente. Ele realmente busca a verdade e teme encontrá-la; ele geralmente a encontra assim mesmo e então fica apavorado… um pobre grande homem…”

O “grande homem” ou “novo homem” da história não era nem de esquerda nem de direita; ele esforçou-se para destruir o mundo moderno e substituí-lo por sua própria imagem cada vez aprimorada — mas que forma tal imagem tomaria? Na Itália, reacionários associados com o movimento futurista e várias vertentes nacionalistas românticas expressaram afinidade com a corrente individualista identificada com Nietzsche e Stirner. Antecipando tremendas catástrofes que poriam o mundo moderno de joelhos e instaurariam a nova era do novo homem, os futuristas buscaram fundir o “gestro destrutivo dos anarquistas” com o bombástico do império.

Uma figura imensamente popular entre essas tendências do individualismo e da “revolução conservadora”, o esteta italiano Gabriele D’annunzio conjurou 2600 soldados num ousado ataque em 1919 à cidade portuária de Fiume para reclamá-la para a Itália após a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Durante dua empreitada, as forças ocupantes hastearam a bandeira negra estampada por crânio e ossos cruzados e cantou canções de unidade nacional. Itália recusou a ocupação imperial, levando a cidade-estado nas mãos de sua liderança nacionalista romântica. Uma constituição, escrita pelo sindicalista nacionalista Alceste De Ambris, proveu a base para a solidariedade nacional em torno da economia corporativa mediada por sindicatos colaboradores. D’Annunzio foi profético e escatológico, recitando poesia durante convocações à varanda. Ele era masculino. Era imperial e majestoso, porém radical e radicado no afeto fraternal. Ele conclamou sacrifício e amor à nação.

Quando ele retornou à Itália após os militares arrancarem sua enclave de Fiume, ultranacionalistas, futuristas, artistas e intelectuais saudaram D’Annunzio como lider do crescente movimento fascista. As cerimônias estéticas e a violência radical contribuíram para a sacralização das políticas invocadas pelo espírito do fascismo. Embora Mussolini provavelmente ter visto a si mesmo como competidor de D’Annunzio pelo papel de supremo líder, ele não podia negar o estilo e a atmosfera, o grande apelo estético que alcançou a tantos através da desaventura em Fiume. O fascismo, Mussolini insistia, era um anti-partido, um movimento. Os Camisas Pretas fascistas, ou squadristi, adotaram o estilo de D’Annunzio, os uniformer negros, a caveira e os ossos, a adaga na cintura, a atitude de “ligar o foda-se” expressa pelo hino “Me ne frego”, ou “Não me importo”. Alguns dos participantes da empreitada de Fiume abandonaram D’Annunzio quando este se juntou ao movimento fascista, juntando-se ao Arditi del Popolo para lutar contra a ameaça fascista. Outros se juntariam às fileiras dos Camisas Pretas.

Originalmente um homem da esquerda, Mussolini não teve dificuldades em juntar o simbolismo da revolução com o renascimento do ultranacionalismo. “Abaixo o estado de toda espécie e encarnação”, declarou num discurso em 1920. “O estado de ontem, de hoje, de amanhã. O estado burguês e o socialista. Para aqueles de nós, a morte do individualismo, através das trevas do presente e da melancolia do amanhã, tudo que sobra é a hoje absurda, mas sempre consoladora, religião da anarquia!” Em outra declaração, perguntou, “por que Stirner não deveria ter um retorno?”

O conceito de Mussolini da anarquia era crítico, pois ele via anarquismo prefigurando o fascismo. “Se autores anarquistas descobriram a importância do mítico a partir de uma oposição à autoridade e unidade,” declarou o jurista nazista Carl Schmitt, referindo-se ao conceito de Mussolini de mito, “então eles colaboraram também em estabelecer o fundamento de outra autoridade, conquanto contra sua vontade, uma autoridade baseada no sentimento de ordem, disciplina e hierarquia.” A dialética do fascismo aqui é dual: apenas a destruição anarquista do mundo moderno em todo âmbito abriria o potencial para o fascismo, mas a mítica sociedade sem estado do anarquismo, para Mussolini, poderia emergir apenas, paradoxalmente, de um estado autodisciplinar de ordem total.

Antifascistas anarquistas individualistas e niilistas como Renzo Novatore representaram para Mussolini o tipo de “niilismo passivo” que Nietzsche entendeu como a decadência e a fraqueza da modernidade. Os veteranos que lutariam por Mussolini rejeitaram a supressão do individualismo sob os bolcheviques e favoreceram “um anti-partido de lutadores”, de acordo com o historiador Emílio Gentile. Fascismo exploraria a misoginia rampante de homens como Novatore enquanto se voltava ao “niilismo passivo” de sua visão de total colapso em direção ao “niilismo ativo” através do renascimento da Nova Era nas mãos do Novo Homem.

A guinada ao fascismo que aconteceu através da Europa durante os anos 1920 e 1930 não se restringiu à esquerda coletivista de ex-comunistas, sindicalistas e socialistas; também incluiu os políticos mais ambíguos das elites intelectuais e de vanguarda da Europa. Na França, figuras literárias como Georges Bataille e Antonin Artaud começaram a experimentar da estética fascista da crueldade, do irracionalismo e do elitismo. Em 1934, Bataille declarou sua esperança em conduzir “espaço para grandes sociedades fascistas”, as quais acreditou habitar o mundo das “formas mais altivas” e “faz um apelo a sentimentos tradicionalmente definidos como exaltados e nobres.” A admiração de Bataille por Stirner não o preveniu de desenvolver o que ele descreveu em décadas posteriores como uma “tendência paradoxal fascista”. Outras celebridades libertárias como Louis-Ferdinand Céline e Maurice Blanchot também abraçaram temas fascistas — particularmente um anti-semitismo virulento.

Como Blanchot, o poeta expressionista e apoiador do nazismo Gottfried Benn, apelou a uma linguagem anti-humanista de sofrimento e niilismo que voltava o olhar para o interior, encontrando apenas impulsos e necessidades animais. Filósofo existencialista e membro do Partido Nazista, Martin Heidegger, usou de temas nietzschianos sobre niilismo e estética em sua fenomenologia, pondo a angústia no cerne da vida moderna e buscando libertação existencial através do processo destrutivo que vi como implícito na produção de obras de arte autênticas. Figura literária Ernst Jünger, que comemorou a ascensão de Hitler, conjurou a força do “niilismo ativo”, buscando o colapso da civilização através do “zero mágico” que traria uma Nova Era de atores ultra-individualistas que mais tarde chamaria de “anarcos”. A influência de Stirner estava presente em Jünger e nos primeiros anos fascistas de Mussolini e passou para outros membros do movimento fascista como Carl Schmitt e Julius Evola.

Evola foi talvez o mais importante desses que buscavam o colapso da civilização e o despertar espiritual da Nova Era do “indivíduo universal”, dedicação sacrificial e supremacia masculina. Um dedicado fascista e individualista, Evola devotou-se à pureza da sagrada violência, racismo, anti-semitismo e o oculto. Defendendo a doutrina do “soldado político”, Evola viu a violência como necessária em estabelecer um tipo de hierarquia natural que promoveria o indivíduo supremo sobre as multidões. Prática ocultista destilava-se numa aristocracia total do espírito, conforme Evola acreditava, que poderia apenas encontrar expressão através de sacrifício e um código de honra como o dos samurais. Evola compartilhava esses ideais de conquista, elitismo e prazer sacrificial com a SS, que convidou o esotérico italiano para Vienna saciar sua sede por conhecimento. Após a 2ª Guerra Mundial, o fascismo espiritual de Evola encontrou paralelos nos escritos de Savitri Devi, um esotérico francês de ascendência grega que desenvolveu uma prática anti-humanista de adoração de natureza nazista não muito diferente da Deep Ecology de hoje em dia. Na sua rejeição por direitos humanos, Devi insistiu que o mundo manifesta a totalidade das forças vitais entrelaçadas, nenhuma das quais goza de uma prerrogativa moral particular sobre a outra.

Capítulo 2: A criação da Pós-Esquerda

Foi mostrado por ora que o fascismo, no seu período entre guerras, atraiu numerosos anti-capitalistas e individualistas, majoritariamente através do elitismo, da estetização da política e do desejo niilista de destruição do mundo moderno. Após a queda do Reich, fascistas tentaram reacender as cinzas de seu movimento apelando tanto ao estado como os movimentos sociais. Tornou-se popular entre fascistas rejeitar Hitler em algum grau e reivindicar um retorno às ideias do “sindicalismo nacional” original misturadas com o elitismo do “Novo Homem” e a destruição da civilização. Fascistas reivindicaram “libertação nacional” para etnias europeias contra a OTAN e o liberalismo multicultural, enquanto o ocultismo de Evola e Devi começou a fundir com Satanismo para formar novos híbridos fascistas. Com a ecologia e o anti-autoritarismo, tal sacralização da oposição política através do oculto se provaria a mais intrigante conduíte para a insinuação fascistas a subculturas no pós guerra.

Nos anos 1960, grupos comunistas como Socialisme ou Barbarie, Pouvoir ouvrier e os Situacionistas se reuniam em locais como a livraria/editora La Vieille Taupe (A Velha Toupeira), criticando o cotidiano na civilização industrial através de arte e práticas transformativas. De acordo com Gilles Dauvé, um dos participantes nest movimento, “o pequeno grupo em torno da livraria La Vieille Taupe” desenvolveu a ideia de “comunização” ou transformação revolucionária de todas as relações sociais. Este novo movimento de “ultra-esquerdistas” ajudou a inspirar a estética de uma jovem e intelectual rebelião que culminou nos grandes levantes de estudantes e trabalhadores em Paris durante maio de 1968.

A forte corrente anti-autoritária da ultra-esquerda e o mais abrangente levante de maio de 68 contribuíram para movimentos similares por toda Europa, como o movimento italiano Autonomia, que espalhou-se a partir de uma greve selvagem contra a montadora de carros Fiat, para uma revolta generalizada envolvendo greve de aluguel, ocupações de prédios e manifestações de massa nas ruas. Enquanto a maior parte do Autonomia continuava na esquerda, seus participantes foram intensamente críticos à esquerda estabelecida e os autonomistas frequentemente rejeitavam a estratégia menos elaborada das guerrilhas urbanas. Em 1977, o anarquista individualista Alfredo Bonanno escreveu um texto, “Alegria Armada”, exortando esquerdistas italianos a largar pretensões patriarcais à guerrilha e juntar-se à luta insurrecional popular. A conversão do teorista marxista Jacques Camatte em rejeição pessimista da esquerda e adesão a uma vida mais simples ligada à natureza aumentaram as contradições dentro da esquerda italiana.

Com o anti-autoritatismo, críticas de orientação ecológicas da civilização emergiram dos anos 1960 e 70 como vertentes de uma nova identidade que rejeitava tanto a esquerda como a direita. Adaptando-se a tais correntes dos movimentos sociais populares e explorando linhas ideológicas turvadas entre esquerda e direita, ideólogos fascistas desenvolveram o quadro do “etno-pluralismo”. Apoiando sua retórica no “direito à diferença” (separatismo étnico), fascistas se mascararam com rótulos como a “Nova Direita Europeia”, “revolucionários nacionalistas” e “tradicionalistas revolucionários”. A “Nova Direita Europeia” pegou a rejeição do mundo moderno advogada pela ultra-esquerda como uma proclamação do indigenísmo dos europeus e suas raízes pagãs no território. Fascistas produziram mais ideias espirituais derivadas do sentido de enraizamento do sujeito na sua terra nativa, invocando a velha ecologia de “sangue e solo” do movimento völkische alemão e o partido nazista.

Na Itália, esse movimento produziu o “Acampamento Hobbit”, um eco-festival organizado pelo membro da Nova Direita Europeia Marco Tarchi e direcionado à juventude desiludida através de pôsteres e filipetas no estilo dos Situacionistas. Quando o “revolucionário nacionalista” italiano Roberto Fiore escapou de acusações de ter participado num bombardeio massivo de uma estação de trem em Bolonha, ele encontrou abrigo no apartamento do colega de Tarchi na Nova Direita Europeia Michael Walker. Esse novo local se provaria transformador, pois Fiore, Walker e um grupo de militantes fascistas criaram uma facção política chamada Official National Front em 1980. Esse grupo ajudaria a promover e se beneficiaria de uma estética fascista mais avant-garde, trazendo neo-folk, noise e outros gêneros de música experimental.

Enquanto fascistas entraram no movimento verde e exploraram aberturas na esquerda anti-autoritária, o Situacionismo começou a se transformar. No início dos anos 1970, o Pós-Situacionismo emergiu através de coletivos nos EUA que combinavam egoismo stirnerista com o pensamento coletivista. Em 1974, o grupo For Ourselves (Para Nós Mesmos) publicou O Direito de Ser Ganancioso, protestando contra o altruísmo enquanto ligava a ganância egoista à síntese da identidade social e do bem-estar — em resumo, ao excedente. O texto foi reimpresso em 1983 pelo grupo libertário Lompanics Unlimited, com prefácio de um autor pouco conhecido chamado Bob Black.

Enquanto pós-Situacionismo voltou-se para o individualismo, um número de ultra-esquerdistas europeus foram para a direita. Em Paris, La Vieille Taupe partiu de defesas controversas da rejeição da necessidade de antifascismo especializado para apresentar o holocausto como uma mentira necessária para manter a ordem capitalista. Em 1980, La Vielle Taupe publicou a notória Mémoire em Défense centre ceux qui m’accusent de falsifier l’histoire, de autoria do negador do holocausto, Robert Faurisson. Apesar de La Vielle Taupe e seu fundador Pierre Guillaume receberem condenação internacional, eles conseguiram a defesa controversa do professor de esquerda Noam Chomsky. Mesmo que tenham majoritariamente rejeitado Guillaume e sua comitiva, a rejeição dos ultra-esquerdistas ao antifacismo especializado continuou de alguma forma popular – particularmente conforme explicado por Dauvé, que insistiu no início dos anos 1980 que “o fascismo como movimento específico desapareceu”.

A ideia de que o fascismo se tornou um artefato histórico apenas ajudou a manter sua persistência indetectada, enquanto Faurisson e Guillaume se tornaram celebridades na extrema-direita. Conforme a reviravolta em direção à negação do holocausto sugeriria, a teoria de ultra-esquerda não foi imune a um translado para termos étnicos – uma realidade que formaria a base do trabalho do dirigente da Official National Front, Troy Southgate. Apesar de influenciado pelos Situacionistas, juntamente com uma mistura de outras figuras de esquerda e direita, Southgate focava particularmente na vertente ecológical da política radical associada com o jornal de orientação punk Green Anarchist, que demandava um retorno a um sustento “primitivo” e a destruição da civilização modera. Em 1991, editores do Green Anarchist expulsaram seu co-editor, Richard Hunt, por seu patriotismo militarista e a nova publicação de Hunt, Green Alternative, logo se associou a Southgate. Dois anos depois, Southgate se juntaria a aliados fascistas como Jean-François Thiriart e Christian Bouchet na criação do Liaison Committe for Revolutionary Nationalism.

Nos EUA, a tendência “anarco-primitivista” ou do “anarquismo verde” foi tomada por um ex-membro da ultra-esquerda John Zerzan. Identificando civilização como inimiga da terra, Zerzan reivindicou um retorno a uma sustentabilidade que rejeitava a modernidade. Zerzan rejeitou o racismo mas se apoiou em larga medida no pensamento de Martin Heidegger, buscando um retorno a autênticas relações entre humanos e o mundo sem a mediação do pensamento simbólico. Esse retorno desejado, alguns apontaram, requereria um colapso civilizatório tão profundo que milhões, senão bilhões, provavelmente pereceriam. Mesmo Zerzan parece ambíguo com relação à mortandade em potencial, a despeito de seu apoio ao Unabomber, Ted Kaczynsky.

Juntando-se a Zerzan para confrontar o autoritarismo e retornar a uma organização social mais tribal de caçadores-coletores, um ocultista chamado Hakim Bey desenvolveu a ideia de “Zonas Autônomas Temporárias” (TAZ na sigla em inglês). Para Bey, uma TAZ de fato liberaria um espaço erótico de poiesis orgiástica e revolucionária. Ainda no seu texto de 1991, Zona Autônoma Temporária, Bey incluiu louvor extenso pela ocupação proto-fascista de D’Annunzio em Fiume, revelando tendências históricas perturbadoras de tentar transcender direita e esquerda.

Junto com Zerzan e Bey, Bob Black se provaria instrumental à fundamentação da ideia hoje chamada de “pós-esquerda”. Em seu texto de 1997, Anarquia após o esquerdismo, Black respondeu ao anarquista de esquerda Murray Bookchin, que acusara individualistas de “anarquismo de estilo de vida”. Puxando da crítica de Zerzan à civilização assim como Stirner e Nietzsche, Black apresentou sua rejeição ao trabalho como uma panaceia para tendências autoritárias de esquerda que ele identificava em Bookchin (aparentemente o atacando por ser judeu no processo).[1]

Assim, a pós-esquerda começou a se desenvolver através dos escritos de ultra-esquerdistas, anarquistas verdes, espiritualistas e egoístas publicados em zines, livros e jornais como Anarchy: Journal of Desire Armed e Fifth Estate. Apesar destes pensadores e publicações diferirem de muitas formas, princípios chaves da pós-esquerda incluíram uma antecipação escatológica do colapso da civilização acompanhada por uma síntese do individualismo e do coletivismo que rejeitava esquerda, direita e centro em favor de uma conexão profunda com a terra e comunidades mais orgânicas e tribais ao contrário do humanismo, tradição iluminista e democracia. Que textos da pós-esquerda incluem copiosas referências a Stirner, Nietzsche, Jünger, Heidegger, Artaud e Bataille sugere que eles formam uma tendência intelectual sincrética que une esquerda e direita, individualismo e “revolução conservadora”. Como veremos, a situação proveu amplo espaço para facistas ressurgirem rastejando.

Capítulo 3: O rastejar fascista

Durante a década de 1990, a rede “revolucionária nacionalista” de Southgate, Thiriart e Bouchet, mais tarde renomeada de European Liberation Front, ligada à American Front, um grupo skinhead de San Francisco explorando conexões entre contracultura e avant-garde. Como esforços anteriores para desenvolver um Nazismo Satânico, o líder da American Front, Bob Heick, apoiou uma mistura de satanismo, ocultismo e paganismo, se tornando amigo do músico fascista Boyd Rice. Um músico de noise e avant-garde, Rice desenvolveu um “think tank fascista” chamado Abraxas Foundation, que ecoa a fusão do culto de ideias de Charles Manson, fascismo e satanismo realizada pelo militante fascista dos anos 1970 James Mason. O protegido de Rice e colega membro da Abraxas, Michael Moynihan, juntou-se à editora radical Feral House, que publica textos na linha da Abraxas, cobrindo uma gama de temas de Charles Manson, Black Metal escandinavo e islamismo militante até livros sobre Evola, James Mason, Bob Black e John Zerzan.

Em esforços similares, o aliado francês de Southgate, Christian Bouchet, gerou redes de distribuição e revistas dedicadas ao apoio a uma indústria miniatura crescendo ao redor de neo-folk e a nova cena de black metal escandinavo “anárquica”. Além disso, anarquistas nacionalistas tentaram montar e/ou infiltrar-se em e-grupos devotados ao anarquismo verde. Conforme a rede de Southgate e Bouchet se espalhou até a Rússia, o notório fascista russo, Aleksandr Dugin, emergiu como mais um proeminente ideólogo que admirava o trabalho de Zerzan.

Os pós-esquerdistas tinham algum conhecimento sobre tais desenvolvimentos. Num post-script de 1999 a um dos trabalhos de Bob Black, co-editor da Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed, Lawence Jarach, alertou contra a ascensão do “nacional-anarquismo”. Em 2005, o jornal de Zerzan, Green Anarchy, publicou uma maior crítica ao “nacional-anarquismo” de Southgate. Esses avisou foram significativos, considerando que vieram num contexto de movimentos ativos de ação direta e grupos como a Earth Liberation Front (ELF), um grupo anarquista verde dedicado a atos em larga escala de sabotagem e destruição de propriedade com a intenção de levar ao colapso final da civilização industrializada.

Enquanto seu grupo da ELF executava incêndios durante o final dos anos 1990 e no início dos 2000, um ex-membro da ELF me relatou que dois de seus camaradas, Nathan “Exile” Block e Joyanna “Sadie” Zacher, compartilhavam de um inusitado amor por black metal escandinavo, faziam referências perturbadoras a Charles Manson e promoviam uma mentalidade elitista e anti-esquerdista. Enquanto suas referências obscuras evocavam Abraxas, Feral House e as redes de distribuição de Bouchet, sua política não podia ser reconhecida até então como parte do universo fascista. Porém suas ideias gerais se tornaram mais claras, o ex-membro da ELF me contou, quando pesquisadores antifascistas descobriram mais tarde que uma conta de Tumblr administrada por Block continha numerosas referências ao ocultismo fascista, incluindo simbologia nacional-anarquista, suásticas e citações a Evola e Jünger. Esses foram apenas dois membros de um grupo maior, mas sua presença dá o que pensar sobre a relação a importantes pontos de convergência radical e como abordá-los.

Isto é, as decisões de John Zerzan e Bob Black de publicar livros através da Feral House parece peculiar – especialmente à luz do fato de que dois dos quatro livros que Zerzan publicou por lá saíram em 2005, o mesmo ano dos notáveis alertas contra o nacional-anarquismo pela Green Anarchy. Aparentemente, apesar de ciente, em alguns casos, dos cruzamentos subculturais entre fascismo e a pós-esquerda, os pós-esquerdistas, em várias ocasiões, mantiveram relações colaborativas.

Conforme a Green Anarchy alertava contra o entrismo e Zerzan simultaneamente publicava pela Feral House, controvérsia chegou a um fórum online conhecido como Anti-Politics Board (fórum anti-política). Nascido da publicação insurrecionalista Killing King Abacus, o Anti-Politics Board foi usado por mais de 1000 membros registrados e teve dúzias de contribuidores regulares. A plataforma online apresentava um site florescente de debates para pós-esquerdistas, porém discussões sobre insurrecionalismo, comunização, anarquismo verde e egoismo geralmente produziam uma iconoclastia estranhamente competitiva. Tentativas de produzir o ponto de vista mais “irado” geralmente levavam à popularização de tópicos como “ ‘anti-sexismo’ como moralismo coletivista” e “crítica do anti-fascismo autonomo”. Ataques à moralidade e moralismo tendiam a encorajar radicais a abandonar “políticas de identidade” e “culpa branca” comumente associadas com o anti-racismo de esquerda.

Em meio a tais discussões, um jovem radical chamado Andrew Yeoman começou a postar posições nacional-anarquistas. Quando pedido repetidamente para remover Yeoman do fórum, um administrador do site recusou, insistindo que remover o nacionalista branco significaria comportar-se como os esquerdistas. Eles precisavam tentar outra coisa. O que quiser que tentassem, porém, não funcionava, e Yeoman mais tarde tornou-se notório por formar um grupo chamado Bay Area National Anarchists, aparecendo em eventos anarquistas como feiras de livros e promovendo colaboração anarquista com os Minutemen e a American Front.

Um aspecto importante da Anti-Politics Board era a articulação de teorias niilistas e insurrecionalistas, ambas das quais ganharam popularidade após a crise financeira de 2008. Num artigo intitulado “O novo niilismo”, Peter Lamborn Wilson (aka Hakim Bey) apontou que essa ascendente onda de niilismo que emergia durante o fim dos anos 2000 e continuou à segunda década não poderia imediatamente ser distinguida da extrema-direita devido a uma miríade de pontos de convergência. Realmente, Stormfront (fórum nazista na internet) está cheio de usuários como “TAZriot” e “whitepunx” que promovem os princípios básicos individualistas do pós-esquerdismo da postura original e racista do Stirnerismo. Rejeitando o “politicamente correto” e a “culpa branca”, tais racistas da pós-esquerda desejam espaços radicais separados e zonas autônomas para brancos.

Através de perseverante pesquisa, Rose City Antifa em Portland, Oregon, descobriu a identidade de whitepunx: “Trigger Tom Christensen, um membro da cena punk local. “Nunca fui um anti [anti-fascista] mas sempre andei com alguns deles”, escreveu Christensen no Stormfron. “Eu costumava ser um grande punk rocker na cena musical e havia alguns antis que percorriam a mesma cena. Fui amigo de alguns deles. Não tentavam me recrutar nem ninguém na verdade. Eles não sabiam, porém, que eu era um nacionalista branco. Eu mantinha minhas crenças para mim mesmo e refutava qualquer opiniões que eles expressassem que demonstrassem buracos. Foi bem útil conhecer algumas dessas pessoas. Eu sei quem são os caras principais nas cenas anti e SHARP [Skinheads Contra o Preconceito Racial, na sigla em inglês].”

Por um tempo, Christensen disse que andava com pós-esquerdistas e debatia como Yeoman fizera. Menos de um ano depois, porém, Christensen continuou com uma postagem assustadora entitulada “Vocês acham que seria aceitável ser um infiltrado se for contra nossos inimigos?”. Ele escreveu, “Tive um pensamento interessante outro dia e queria opiniões. Se vocês fossem solicitados pela polícia a prover ou encontrar evidências que incriminassem pessoas que fossem inimigas do movimento, por exemplo, esquerdistas, vermelhos, anarquistas. Vocês fariam? Vocês se infiltrariam na esquerda?” Vinte e uma respostas vieram dos recessos do mundo nacionalista branco. Enquanto alguns encorajaram Christensen a dar uma de X9, outros insistiram que ele mantivessem lealdade à gangue. É incerto se ele foi ou não à polícia, mas a descoberta em maio de 2013 de sua atividade no Stormfront aconteceu pouco antes que um grande juri intimasse quatro anarquistas que foram subsequentemente presos por desacato ao juri.

Em outro perturbador exemplo de convergência entre pós-esquerdistas e fascistas, radicais associados com um grupo niilista Ultra duramente criticaram a Rose City Antifa de Portland, Oregon, por exporem Jack Donovan. Um conhecido membro de um violento grupo nacionalista branco Wolves of Vinland, Donovan também administra uma academia chamada Kabuki Strength Lab, que produz vídeos para a “manosphere” [redes masculinistas]. Conforme novembro de 2016, quando a exposição foi publicada, um membro do Ultra era também membro da Kabuki Strength Lab. Apesar de Donovan ser dono de um estúdio de tatuagem do lado de fora da academia e ter feito no fascista do Partido Libertário Augustus Sol Invictus uma tatuagem da fasces lictoris, um colega de academia disse, “Obviamente Jack tem crenças controversas e práticas das quais a maioria discorda; mas acredito que isso não afeta seu comportamento na academia”. Donovan, que tem papagaiado publicamente estatistas “realistas raciais” em reuniões de nacionalistas brancos como o National Policy Institute e o podcast Pressure Project, também abraça o bioregionalismo e a antecipação do colapso da civilização que levara a uma reversão das estruturas tribais identitariamente ligadas em guerra umas com as outras e dependentes das hierarquias naturais – uma ideologia que ressoa com o Ultra e alguns membros do espectro mais amplo da pós-esquerda.

É lógico que defender fascistas e colaborar com eles não é a mesma coisa e ambos são diferentes de ter pontos ideológicos incidentalmente cruzados. Porém os pontos de convergência, se houver vista grossa, frequentemente indicam uma tendência a ignorar, defender ou colaborar. Defesa e colaboração podem convergir e de fato o fazem. Por exemplo, também em Portland, Oregon, o fundador de um grupo britânico dissidente da ultra-esquerda chamado Wildcat começou a participar de um grupo de leitura envolvendo pós-esquerdistas proeminentes antes de deslizar para o antissemitismo. Logo ele passou a fazer parte do previamente esquerdista, mas convertido em fascista, Pacifica Forum em Eugene, Oregon, e a defender o líder antissemita Tim Calvert. Ele foi visto pela última vez por antifas dando as caras num evento para o negador do holocausto, David Irving.

Talvez o exemplo mais perturbador de colaboração, ou melhor, síntese, do niilismo pós-esquerdista e a extrema-direita acontece agora na alt-right. Donovan é considerado um membro da alt-right, enquanto o último post visível de Christensen vem do grupo misógino Proud Boys. Tais grupos e indivíduos ligados à alt-right são ditos terem tomado a “pílula vermelha”, um termo tirado do filme The Matrix, no qual o protagonista acorda para uma realidade distópica após escolher tomar a pílula vermelha. Para a alt-right, tomar a “pílula vermelha” significa acordar para a “realidade” oferecida por teorias conspiratórias antissemitas, misoginia e nacionalismo branco — geralmente através de fóruns online onde a iconoclastia competitiva dos “edge-lords” transmuta em antissemitismo irônico e ódio. Dentre as formas mais extremas deste fenômeno que ocorre em anos recentes é o chamado “tomar a pílula preta”— usuários da pílula vermelha que se voltaram à celebração de violência indiscriminada através das mesmas tendências do individualismo e do niilismo esboçados anteriormente.

Aqueles que “tomam a pílula preta” afirmam ter abandonado inteiramente seus apegos à todas as teorias. Tal tendência evoca a atitude de grupo militante anti-civilização Individuals Tending to the Wild, que é popular entre alguns grupos pós-esquerdistas que advogam violência indiscriminada contra qualquer alvo que manifeste o mundo moderno. Outra influência sobre os “pílulas negras” é Adam Lanza, o infame atirador em massa que telefonou John Zerzan um ano antes assassinar sua mãe, vinte crianças e seis funcionários no jardim de infância Sandy Hook em Newtown, Connecticut. Zerzan condenou o Individuals Tending Toward the Wild e, meses após as terríveis ações de Lanza, escreveu um texto implorando para niilistas de pós-esquerda encontrarem esperança: “Egoismo e niilismo está evidentemente em voga entre anarquistas e espero que aqueles que se identifiquem como tal não tenham perdido toda a esperança. Sem ilusões, mas com esperança.” Infelizmente, Zerzan expandiu seu curto comunicado em um livro publicado pela Feral House em 10 de novembro de 2015 — o dia em que a Feral House publicou The White Nationalist Skinhead Movement, de co-autoria de Eddie Stampton, um skinhead nazista.


À luz destas convergências, muitos anarquistas individualistas, pós-esquerdistas e niilistas tendem a não negar que partilham de redes nodais com fascistas. Em muitos casos, eles procuram lutar contra eles para reclamar seu movimento. Porém tende a haver um outro senso permissivo de que anarquistas não são responsáveis por distinguirem a si mesmos dos fascistas. Se há numerosos pontos em que o espectro radical se torna um borrão de fascistas, anarquistas e românticos, alguns afirmam que criticar em tais associações apenas propaga ideias falaciosas como “culpar por associação”.

Porem, lembrando da informação neste ensaio, devemos notar que convergências complexas parecem incluir, em particular, aspectos de egoismo e teoria verde radical. Derivado do stirnerismo e da filosofia nietzschiana, egoismo pode reificar a alienação social sentida por um indivíduo, conduzindo a um senso elitismo de empoderamento e delírios de grandeza. Quando misturados ao insurrecionalismo e pensamento verde radical, egoismo pode traduzir-se num elitismo do tipo “caçador contra a caça” ou “lobo contra ovelhas”, no qual compaixão pelos outros é rejeitada como moralismo. Tal tipo de elitismo alienado pode também desenvolver uma estética de isolacionismo e posturas afetivas ligadas à crueldade, a vingança e o ódio.

Emergindo da rejeição do humanismo e do modernismo urbano, a forma particular de teoria verde radical geralmente abraçada pela pós-esquerda pode relativizar as perdas humanas ao olhar as grandes ondas de extinção em massa. Dessa forma, radicais verdes antecipam o colapso que eliminaria os indesejáveis ou causaria uma mortandade humana em massa de milhões senão bilhões através do mundo. Tal aspecto da teoria radical verde chega bem perto, e às vezes se entrelaça com ideias sobre superpopulação compiladas e produzidas por nacionalistas brancos e ativistas anti-immigração ligados ao infame Tanton Network. Alguns egoístas verdes radicais (ou niilistas) insistem que seu papel deveria ser provocar tal colapso através de ataques anti–moralistas contra a civilização.

Como exemplos como as TAZ e a celebração da desaventura em Fiume por Hakim Bey, Zerzan e Black publicando na Feral House e a Ultra defendendo Donovan indicam, a relação da pós-esquerda com o nacionalismo branco é por vezes ambígua e ocasionalmente até colaborativa. Outros exemplos, como os de Yeoman e Christensen, indicam que a tolerância para com ideias fascistas na pós-esquerda podem resultar em aceitação inadvertida delas, proporcionando uma plataforma para o nacionalismo branco e aumentando a vulnerabilidade ao entrismo. Ideias específicas que são às vezes toleradas sob a guisa de “crítica à esquerda” incluem a aprovação de “hierarquias naturais”, ultranacionalismo entendido como elos espirituais e etno-biológicos com a terra natal e a ancestralidade, rejeição do feminismo e do anti-fascismo e a fetichização da violência e da crueldade.

É mais importante hoje do que nunca reconhecer como movimentos radicais desenvolvem interseções com fascistas se quisermos descobrir como expor o fascismo que rasteja e desenvolve redes mais fortes e diretas. Anarquistas devem abandonar os equívocos que convidam o rastejar do fascismo e reclamar a anarquia como luta integral pela liberdade e igualdade. Polêmicas sectaristas são resultado de extenso processo de aprendizado, mas são menos importantes que se engajar em solidariedade para lutar contra o fascismo em todas as suas formas e sob seus vários disfarces.


Alexander Reid Ross é um ex-co-editor do Earth First! Journal e autor de Against the Fascist Creep. Ele ensina no Departamento de Geografia da Universidade do Estado de Portland e pode ser contatado em

[1] Black escreve, “Bakunin considerava Marx ‘o erudito alemão em sua tripla capacidade como um hegeliano, um judem e um alemão’, um ‘estatista incorrigível’. Um hegeliano, um judeu, um meio que erudito, um marxista, um incorrigível estatista (da pólis) – soa familiar a alguém?” Texto completo em inglês na Libcom em

There Is a Nationwide Day of Action Against Muslims on June 10th, and We Need to Stop It

Donald Trump and the Alt Right pigeoned their growth on the nativist fear in many sectors of the U.S., and one of their most targeted points of racial antagonisms have been around Muslim immigrants.  The recent travel bans, the “dogwhistle” language about “radical Islam,” and the willingness to attack Muslim areas has all been the kind of cultural signal to stoke anti-Muslim bigotry and violence in the U.S.

Fascism depends not solely on the state, but the complicity of its people. The violence that was perpetrated in interwar fascist countries included the “unsanctioned” violence of a community who has given in to reactionary violent impulses.  The anti-Muslim rhetoric continues to increase across the country, and is leading to a growing targeting of Muslims and those from Middle Eastern countries.  As is often the case, it is presented as “not Muslims as such, just some Muslims,” in this case the supposed threat of Sharia Law.  Though there is no realistic threat of Sharia or any other type of conservative clerical law being imposed in the U.S., this is an easy talking point for the far-right to use to try and pull non-political people into their movement by building on fear and misconceptions about nations with large Islamic constituents.

This effort is culminating on June 10th as the “National March Against Sharia” is being promoted, drawing on the same anti-Muslim populist sentiment that pushed PEGIDA and the European Defense League in Europe.  Promoted by the Proud Boys and other white nationalist/Alt Right organizations, as well as the prime organizers Act for America, the march is going to be a way to target Muslim communities, Mosques, and cultural centers, building a large base for this anti-Muslim extremism.

The resistance to fascism is built around community self-defense, and this is an important moment to stand up in the face of increasing reactionary violence.  This is one of the moments that many were worried about when Trump was elected, but it started long before that and will continue forward if it is not shut down.

Below are all the cities and times for the anti-Muslim marches on the 10th, and we will continue to follow this and post more specific details so that counter-demonstrations can take place to stop these marches from targeting marginalized groups.


Taking on Fascism and Racism from the Ground Up.